Why are most Charedim willing to receive financial support from the government of Israel if they oppose the state ideologically?
The Halachic Answer, the Economic Answer, and the Honest Answer About What Each Side Actually Gives the Other
This question touches on a deep misunderstanding — both about Charedi values and about the very nature of what it means to give and receive in Jewish thought.
The simple truth is this: The State of Israel benefits far more from the Charedi world than the Charedi world benefits from the State. This may sound bold. It is, in fact, the documented position of every major Charedi posek who has addressed the question, anchored in real halacha, supported by real economic data, and confirmed by the structural reality that Charedi institutions provide most of the chesed infrastructure on which the rest of Israeli society quietly depends.
But we should answer the question honestly, in all its dimensions: the halachic, the economic, the historical, and the structural. We work through each below.
I. Accepting Government Funding Is Not Ideological Endorsement
Let us begin with the most basic point. Receiving financial assistance from the government — whether for yeshivos, families, or institutions — does not constitute ideological endorsement of the State or its founding philosophy. This is not a Charedi rationalization. It is the simple legal and economic reality of how citizenship works in any country.
Charedim are citizens of the State of Israel. They live here. They pay taxes — Value Added Tax (currently 18% on most goods and services), income tax, Bituach Leumi (national insurance), Arnona (municipal property tax), and every other levy that the State imposes on every other citizen. Charedi-owned businesses pay corporate taxes. Charedi employees have payroll taxes deducted from their wages. The Charedi world contributes to the national fisc, like every other community, by the same mechanisms as every other community.
When government services flow back to Charedi families — child allowances, school subsidies, healthcare through the kupot cholim system, public transportation, road infrastructure — this is not "the State giving Charedim something they don't deserve." It is the same redistribution that flows back to every citizen of every state in the developed world. Every government in the world collects taxes and redistributes them to its citizens. There is no ideology in that exchange. There is no theological endorsement implicit in the receipt of basic services. A Charedi who collects child allowances is doing nothing different from a kibbutznik who collects the same allowance.
The claim that "Charedim should refuse all State funding if they oppose Zionism" is, on examination, a category mistake. Citizens of a country are entitled to the services their tax payments fund. The ideological character of the government does not change the legal and economic relationship between citizens and the institutions they fund.
II. The Halachic Permission to Receive Support for Torah Study
The deeper question is not about citizenship but about Torah law: does halacha permit a community to support full-time Torah scholars through external funding, or must every Torah scholar work for his own livelihood? This question has been debated across the Rishonim and the Acharonim, and the documented Charedi mainstream position rests on a chain of authoritative halachic rulings every reader can verify.
The Rema, Yoreh Deah 246:21, ruling on the question of whether Torah scholars may accept community funding, allows it explicitly. The Rema's gloss to the Shulchan Aruch — building on the Kesef Mishneh's analysis of the Rambam in Hilchos Talmud Torah — establishes that even if there were a strict reading of the Rambam that would limit acceptance, the prevailing halachic ruling permits Torah scholars to receive funding so that Torah will not be forgotten.
The Kesef Mishneh (Rabbi Yosef Karo's commentary on the Rambam) — on the Rambam's discussion in Hilchos Talmud Torah — observes that the Rambam's apparent prohibition on Torah scholars receiving payment was not shared by other authorities, and that the prevailing halachic ruling permits a Torah scholar to receive funds in the context of teaching, serving as a dayan, or studying with the intent to assume such a role.
The Aruch HaShulchan, Yoreh Deah 246:40–42, codifies the Rema's position into the mainstream halachic standard. The Aruch HaShulchan, Rabbi Yechiel Michel Epstein's late-19th-century compendium that is treated as authoritative across Lithuanian and Hungarian Charedi communities, ruled that the support of Torah scholars through community funding is a halachic norm.
Igros Moshe, Yoreh Deah 2:116, where Rav Moshe Feinstein zt"l rules that it is "certainly fine" for kollel students to take payment. Rav Moshe anchored his ruling on the Rema and Kesef Mishneh and added an additional argument from eis la'asos l'Hashem — that the spiritual condition of the generation requires this framework to maintain Torah greatness.
This is not a fringe position. It is the documented halachic standard, codified across the Rema, the Kesef Mishneh, the Aruch HaShulchan, and Igros Moshe — the major halachic codifiers of the past five centuries.
III. The Rambam's Structural Framework: Kodesh Kodashim Beyond Levi
The deepest halachic foundation for the framework is the Rambam in Hilchos Shemittah V'Yovel 13:13 — a passage we have discussed in previous articles in this series. The Rambam, after explaining why the tribe of Levi did not receive a portion in the inheritance of Eretz Yisrael ("Because he was set apart to serve Hashem, to teach His ways and His righteous laws to the multitudes"), writes:
"And not Levi alone, but every single individual whose spirit moves him and whose intelligence gives him to set himself apart to stand before Hashem, to serve Him and minister to Him and to know Hashem… behold, this person has been consecrated as the Holy of Holies, and Hashem will be his portion and his inheritance forever and ever, and will provide for him sufficient material needs in this world, just as He provided for the Kohanim and the Levi'im."
The Rambam codifies an explicit structural framework: those who set themselves apart for full-time service of Hashem through Torah enter a category — kodesh kodashim, the Holy of Holies — in which their material needs are provided for by the broader community, structurally and by halachic design. The Levi'im, who served in the Mishkan and the Beis HaMikdash, did not receive a portion in the Land; they received terumos and maaseros from the rest of Klal Yisrael, who farmed the Land. The Rambam extends this structural framework explicitly beyond the tribe of Levi: every individual who sets himself apart for the service of Hashem enters the same category.
This is the Torah's own framework for the support of Torah scholars. The structural relationship is not charity. It is halachic exchange: those who work materially support those who serve spiritually, and the spiritual service is treated by the halacha as a real public good — indeed, the foundational public good — for which material support is the appropriate societal response.
IV. Yissachar and Zevulun
The Torah itself models this exchange. In Bereishis 49 and again in Devarim 33, the brachos of Yaakov and Moshe to the tribes establish a paradigm. Zevulun — the merchants who supported the tribe of Yissachar — and Yissachar — the scholars who learned Torah while Zevulun worked — enter a structural partnership. The Midrash develops this paradigm extensively; the Rema and Kesef Mishneh anchor halachic kollel-support arrangements on it; the Vilna Gaon's school explicitly embraces it.
The Yissachar-Zevulun model is the Torah's own model of how a Jewish community sustains its Torah learners. It does not require the Torah learners to work materially. It requires the community — including its working members — to support the learners as a structural feature of national life. This is not new. This is Devarim 33:18, where Moshe blesses the two tribes together: "Rejoice, Zevulun, in your going out; and Yissachar, in your tents." The verse blesses both — the going out and the tents are complementary functions within the single national life of Klal Yisrael.
When the Charedi community accepts government funding for its Torah institutions, it is not begging the State. It is operating inside the Torah's own structural framework for how a Jewish community is supposed to sustain its full-time learners — applied, imperfectly, to the modern Israeli state's tax-redistribution system.
V. What the Charedi World Gives the State
Now to the second dimension of the question: what does the Charedi world actually contribute back? The honest answer is: far more than the State recognizes.
Taxes paid. The Charedi community pays VAT on every purchase, income tax on every wage, Bituach Leumi on every paycheck, Arnona on every apartment, corporate taxes on every Charedi-owned business, and dozens of other levies. The myth that Charedim are tax-free is exactly that — a myth. The actual data, published by the Israel Central Bureau of Statistics, shows Charedi households paying tens of billions of shekels annually into the national fisc.
Economic activity. Charedi male labor force participation rose from approximately 36% in 2003 to approximately 55-57% by 2022. Charedi female labor force participation reached approximately 80%. The Charedi sector includes hi-tech firms, accountants, medical professionals, lawyers, real estate developers, educators, retail business owners, food producers, and the entire infrastructure of Charedi communal life. The community is far from economically passive.
Chesed infrastructure that serves the entire country. The Charedi-rooted chesed network is one of the most extensive of any community in the developed world. Hatzalah — Charedi-organized emergency medical response — serves every Israeli, Charedi and secular, Jewish and non-Jewish, with thousands of volunteer responders. Zaka — Charedi-organized recovery and dignified treatment of remains after terror attacks and disasters — has been at the scene of every major incident in Israel since its founding. Yad Sarah lends medical equipment to over 600,000 Israelis annually, the overwhelming majority of whom are not Charedi. Ezer Mizion operates the world's largest Jewish bone marrow registry. Chai Lifeline serves Israeli families of every sector dealing with serious pediatric illness. Lev Echad, Lev L'Lev, and dozens of other organizations support reservists' families, the elderly, the bereaved, the impoverished.
The Charedi gemach network — interest-free communal loan funds — distributes billions of shekels annually in micro-loans for everything from wedding expenses to emergency medical bills to small business capital. These gemachim are typically open to anyone who needs them, Charedi or otherwise. The infrastructure is one of the most remarkable examples of organized communal chesed in any culture in the world.
Volunteerism rates. Studies of Israeli volunteerism — the Central Bureau of Statistics and the Israel Democracy Institute have both published data — show Charedi rates of volunteer service significantly higher than the general Israeli population, particularly in times of national crisis. October 7 and the subsequent war years documented this in real time: Charedi families hosting evacuated soldiers' families, Charedi yeshivos converting facilities into temporary shelters, Charedi gemachim distributing supplies to displaced communities.
Torah as national protection. This is the largest contribution, and the one the secular establishment is least equipped to recognize. As we have established across this series — anchored in Sotah 21a (Torah magna u'matzla), Shabbos 119b (hevel pihem shel tinokos shel beis rabban), the Rambam in Hilchos Talmud Torah 6:10 ("the Torah protects them"), and the documented position of every Charedi posek for two centuries — the Charedi understanding is that Torah being learned in the beis medrash is the operative mechanism of Klal Yisrael's national security, with military activity downstream of and dependent on it.
A secular observer is free to reject this theological claim. But to dismiss it requires also dismissing the Gemara, the Rambam, and the universal Charedi tradition. The claim is not Charedi propaganda. It is documented mainstream Torah Judaism.
VI. Berachos 64a and the Peace of the World
The Gemara in Berachos 64a, in the closing passage of the masechta, teaches:
"Talmidei chachamim marbim shalom ba'olam" — "Torah scholars increase peace in the world."
The Gemara anchors this on Yeshayahu 54:13: "And all your children shall be taught of Hashem, and great shall be the peace of your children." The structural claim is that Torah learning produces peace in the world — communal peace, national peace, the peace of the broader social fabric — as a downstream consequence of the spiritual work being done in the beis medrash.
This is not metaphor in Chazal's framework. It is structural causation. The Gemara is describing how the world actually operates: the Torah being learned generates a real consequence in the broader world, which manifests as shalom — the integrated wellbeing of the whole community.
When Israel experiences economic prosperity, technological achievement, agricultural productivity, medical breakthroughs, military victories against impossible odds — these are not, in the Charedi view, the result of secular Zionist genius. They are the documented manifestation of Talmidei chachamim marbim shalom ba'olam. The merit of the Torah being learned in the kollelim of Bnei Brak, Yerushalayim, Elad, Beitar, and Beit Shemesh flows outward into the broader national life. The secular sectors that benefit may not believe this. The benefits accrue to them anyway.
VII. Different Charedi Streams, Different Choices
Honest treatment of this topic requires acknowledging that different Charedi communities have made different choices about state funding, and that the position the article defends is the mainstream Charedi position — not the only one.
The Satmar Rav zt"l, in Vayoel Moshe and through the practical conduct of Satmar institutions, declined to accept any State funding. His framework treated the State as halachically illegitimate (per the Three Oaths analysis we have discussed previously) and concluded that accepting funding from such a State would constitute a form of theological recognition. Satmar institutions to this day operate without Israeli government funding, supported by their international community.
The Brisker Rav (Rav Yitzchok Zev Soloveitchik zt"l) similarly declined to accept State funding for the Brisker yeshiva. His framework — documented in Uvdos V'Hanhagos L'Beis Brisk — held that any institutional connection to State funding was incompatible with the structural Charedi position on the State's legitimacy.
The Chazon Ish zt"l, in contrast, accepted the foundation of Chinuch Atzmai — the Charedi independent school system — which receives some Israeli government funding. The Chazon Ish's framework distinguished between accepting funding for legitimate educational and communal purposes (permitted) and granting theological legitimacy to the State as the framework of Jewish national life (refused). Chinuch Atzmai operates today as a network of Charedi schools that receive partial State funding while maintaining full halachic independence in curriculum, hashkafah, and administration.
Rav Aharon Kotler zt"l and the Lithuanian American Charedi world followed the Chazon Ish's framework. American Charedi institutions accept funding from various government programs (Title I educational assistance, food stamps, school lunch programs) without ideological endorsement of the American secular government. The same principle applies in Israel.
The mainstream Charedi position — Lithuanian, most Chassidic, Sephardic — has been to accept State funding pragmatically, while maintaining ideological independence. The Satmar and Brisker positions are minority approaches within Charedi life, respected as reflecting a more uncompromising application of the same underlying principles.
VIII. What If the State Truly Understood What It Was Receiving?
Here is the thought experiment the secular establishment has not been willing to perform.
If the State of Israel truly understood — truly understood, not in slogans — what it gains from the Charedi world, the conversation would be different. The State would not be threatening to cut yeshiva funding. It would be building more yeshivos. It would not be sanctioning Charedi families. It would be expanding Charedi kollelim. It would not be treating Bnei Torah as deserters from a national project. It would be treating them as the kohanim of the modern era — the structural spiritual elite whose work sustains the merit of Klal Yisrael, in continuity with the Levi'im of the Mishkan and the Beis HaMikdash.
This is not Charedi self-aggrandizement. It is the structural claim of the Rambam's halachic framework. The Levi'im did not receive land because their work was the service of Hashem; their material needs were structurally provided by the rest of Klal Yisrael. The bnei Torah of today, in the Rambam's kodesh kodashim category (Hilchos Shemittah V'Yovel 13:13), are in the same structural position. The community's role is to support them. That this is performed through tax-redistribution mechanisms rather than through terumos and maaseros is a difference of form, not of substance. The structural exchange is the one the Torah designed.
When secular Israeli media frames the funding question as "Charedim are taking from the State without giving back," the framing inverts what is actually happening. The State is giving back to a community whose spiritual work is generating the merit on which the State's continued existence depends. The funding is not charity. It is the State's partial recognition — partial, because the State does not fully recognize it — of the structural relationship the Torah established.
IX. The Honest Summary
The Charedi position on State funding is, when properly understood, exactly what the Torah's framework requires:
Charedim are citizens of the State, pay taxes like every other citizen, and are entitled to the services their taxes fund.
The halachic framework permitting kollel and yeshiva students to receive community funding is documented across the Rema, the Kesef Mishneh, the Aruch HaShulchan, and Igros Moshe — the mainstream halachic codifiers of the past five centuries.
The structural Torah framework — the Rambam's kodesh kodashim category in Hilchos Shemittah V'Yovel 13:13 — establishes that those who set themselves apart for full-time service of Hashem are supported, by design, through the contributions of the broader community.
The Charedi world contributes back to Israeli society at enormous scale — in taxes, in economic activity, in the chesed infrastructure that serves the entire country, and in the Torah merit that the Gemara identifies as the structural mechanism of national protection.
Different Charedi streams have made different choices about State funding, and the mainstream Charedi position (Lithuanian, most Chassidic, Sephardic) accepts State funding pragmatically while maintaining ideological independence, in contrast to the stricter Satmar and Brisker positions.
The framing of "Charedim are taking without giving" is not just wrong but inverted: the State is partial-recognizing, through tax-redistribution, the structural relationship the Torah established. What the State gives the Charedi world is small compared to what the Charedi world gives the State — most of which the State does not see, does not measure, and does not credit.
If the State truly understood what it was receiving, it would build yeshivos before museums and mikvaos before malls. That it does not is not the Charedi world's failure. It is the State's failure to recognize what it has — and what, bimheirah b'yameinu, it will one day, im yirtzeh Hashem, come to recognize, when the shofteinu k'varishonah return and the Torah is the constitution of Klal Yisrael's national life rather than one element among others.
Until then, the Charedi world will continue accepting the partial-recognition the State currently provides — paying its taxes, building its institutions, running its chesed networks, supporting its families, raising its next generation, and learning the Torah that, by the documented halacha of the Rambam, of Chazal, and of every major posek of the past two thousand years, is the operative mechanism by which Klal Yisrael continues to exist.
That is the answer. It is anchored in halacha. It is supported by data. It is consistent with the position of every Charedi posek of the modern era. And it is the truth.
Sources
Primary halachic sources on accepting funding for Torah study
- Rema, Yoreh Deah 246:21 — explicit permission for Torah scholars to receive community funding
- Kesef Mishneh on Rambam, Hilchos Talmud Torah 3:10 — Rabbi Yosef Karo's analysis permitting Torah scholars to receive funds
- Aruch HaShulchan, Yoreh Deah 246:40–42 — Rabbi Yechiel Michel Epstein's codification of the permissive ruling
- Igros Moshe, Yoreh Deah 2:116, Rav Moshe Feinstein zt"l — explicit ruling that kollel students may receive payment, anchored in the Rema and Kesef Mishneh
The Rambam's structural framework
- Rambam, Mishneh Torah, Hilchos Shemittah V'Yovel 13:13 — the kodesh kodashim category extending beyond the tribe of Levi to anyone who sets himself apart for the service of Hashem
- Rambam, Mishneh Torah, Hilchos Talmud Torah 6:10 — Talmidei chachamim exempt from anaga (conscription) because the Torah protects them
- Rambam, Mishneh Torah, Hilchos Shechenim 6:6 — Talmidei chachamim exempt from city defense contributions
Talmudic sources
- Talmud Bavli, Berachos 64a — "Talmidei chachamim marbim shalom ba'olam"
- Talmud Bavli, Sotah 21a — Torah magna u'matzla
- Talmud Bavli, Shabbos 119b — hevel pihem shel tinokos shel beis rabban
Tanach sources
- Bereishis 49 — Yaakov's brachos to Yissachar and Zevulun
- Devarim 33:18 — Moshe's bracha to Zevulun and Yissachar
- Yeshayahu 54:13 — "And all your children shall be taught of Hashem"
- Tehillim 127:1 — "Im Hashem lo yishmor ir, shav shakad shomer"
The Yissachar-Zevulun framework
- Midrash on the Bereishis and Devarim brachos
- The Vilna Gaon's school and its embrace of the Yissachar-Zevulun model
- Shnos Eliyahu, the Vilna Gaon — on the value of every word of Torah learning
Documented Charedi positions on State funding
- Vayoel Moshe, Rabbi Yoel Teitelbaum (Satmar Rav) — the strict refusal of State funding
- Uvdos v'Hanhagos l'Beis Brisk, Vol. 2 — the Brisker Rav's refusal
- Kovetz Igros, Chazon Ish — acceptance of funding for Chinuch Atzmai
- Chinuch Atzmai (founded under the guidance of the Chazon Ish) — the model of partial State funding with full halachic independence
- Rav Aharon Kotler zt"l and the Lithuanian American Charedi framework
Economic data
- Israel Central Bureau of Statistics (CBS) — Charedi labor force participation, tax contribution, and economic activity data
- Israel Democracy Institute, Statistical Report on Ultra-Orthodox Society in Israel (annual)
- Machon Lev / Lev Academic Center, Adina Bar-Shalom institutions, Kemach Foundation — documented Charedi vocational programs
Documented Charedi chesed organizations
- Hatzalah (United Hatzalah and various local Hatzalah organizations)
- ZAKA — recovery and identification after disasters and terror attacks
- Yad Sarah — medical equipment loans, serving 600,000+ Israelis annually
- Ezer Mizion — bone marrow registry and medical support
- Chai Lifeline — pediatric illness support
- Lev Echad, Lev L'Lev — reservist family and general chesed
- The Charedi gemach network — interest-free communal loan funds
The Chazon Ish – Ben-Gurion meeting (October 20, 1952)
- Yitzchak Navon's recorded account, published in his memoirs
- World Mizrachi (March 2023); Yeshiva World News (October 2022); Jewish Action (Rabbi Aharon Feldman)